From his parked
car, Jack, the special agent from the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency, had a clear
view of the entrance to the Empress Hotel in La Jolla, Calif. It was Dec. 14,
an overcast day, and Jack's men were all in place. They were hoping to arrest a
key figure in Mexico's steroid industry, a pharmaceuticals executive and
trained veterinarian named Alberto Saltiel-Cohen, who, according to a tip, was
staying at the Empress. � Jack waited and watched, looking for a man who fit
Saltiel-Cohen's description: 5'8", slim, early to mid-50s, Latino, with a
goatee. Jack himself is trim, his black hair peppered with gray. He is the
father of two boys, the younger of whom, an 11-year-old, loves baseball. Like
many fathers, Jack (who asked that only his first name be used, to avoid
compromising his ongoing investigative work) had watched the 2005 congressional
hearings on steroid use in pro sports and heard the stories of young athletes
abusing the drugs. But unlike other parents, he didn't feel helpless against
the seeming epidemic. For 21 months he had been the lead agent in Operation
Gear Grinder, the largest steroid-trafficking investigation in history. Now he
was poised to nab the man whose three companies had allegedly produced more
than 70% of the $56 million worth of illegal anabolic steroids seized annually
in the United States.
When a man
matching Saltiel-Cohen's description emerged from the hotel and stopped at the
curb, standing there in dark jeans and a leather jacket like any tourist
waiting for a cab, Jack felt his heart leap. He glanced once more at a photo of
Saltiel-Cohen and gave the order to his men. "Go ahead. Arrest him," he
said into his radio.
Less than an hour
later Jack called the person who he believed would take the greatest pleasure
in the news of the bust: Don Hooton. In July 2003, Hooton's 17-year-old son,
Taylor, a baseball player at Plano ( Texas) West Senior High, committed suicide
after four months of using a steroid manufactured by one of Saltiel-Cohen's
companies. The teen's much-publicized death had come to represent the dangers
of illegal performance enhancers to young athletes.
"Can you come
to San Diego?" Jack asked Don. "Something big is coming down."
DEA agents like
Jack say that trying to stop the trafficking of illegal drugs is like trying to
catch water from a gushing faucet. No one knows for sure how large the
illegal-steroid trade is, but illicit sales to U.S. customers are estimated by
some industry insiders to exceed a billion dollars a year. The drugs are
everywhere: In a 2004 University of Michigan survey, 42.6% of 12th-graders said
steroids were "fairly easy" or "very easy" to get. That survey
and one done by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in '03 put the
number of high school seniors who had tried steroids at 3.4% and 4.9%,
respectively.
Law enforcement
has scarcely attempted to stanch the flow. Other street drugs have been a
higher priority. Weak sentencing guidelines have also undercut steroid
prosecutions. Other obstacles--from a lack of jurisdiction over foreign
manufacturers to the impossibility of screening the tens of millions of
packages coming into the U.S. each day--have made fighting the problem
difficult. Along the porous Mexican-- U.S. border, across which human
"mules" carry inexpensive steroids bound for dealers in the U.S.,
policing is limited by a lack of manpower and even dogpower; steroids don't
emit the telltale odors many other banned drugs do, so canine patrols are
ineffective.
The Internet has
fueled the growth of the steroid business, enabling anyone, including kids, to
order the drugs from home. The web also gives dealers a new tool for recruiting
customers. According to Doug Coleman, a DEA supervisory special agent with
expertise in steroid cases, some dealers "troll the Internet like
pedophiles. They stake out bodybuilding chat rooms and discussion boards used
by kids looking to get stronger."
Facing the
proliferation of these illegal drugs, the U.S. government has finally begun to
address the problem, not merely through public-service ads, or the high-profile
BALCO case (SI, March 13)--which targeted the selling of steroids to elite
athletes--but also with a new willingness to go into the trenches to fight
large-scale, grassroots trafficking. Last month the U.S. Sentencing Commission
dramatically toughened the penalties for steroid offenses, putting them on an
equal footing with other Schedule III drugs, such as LSD and Vicodin. "A
few years ago when you talked to senior law-enforcement people [about combating
drug use], they wouldn't talk about steroids," says Scott Burns, a deputy
director of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy and a U.S.
representative to the World Anti-Doping Agency, "but now they have made the
trafficking of steroids a priority."
Still, when
Operation Gear Grinder was launched two years ago, its goal--to grind to a halt
the gears of top companies in the Mexican steroid industry--seemed impossibly
ambitious. Could the U.S. government alter the business practices of drug
companies based in Mexico, where selling anabolic steroids over the counter is
legal, and shut off the supply of those drugs heading north? And even if it
succeeded in doing so, would that be enough to make even a tiny dent in
America's steroid market?
The answer, it
turned out, would be yes on both counts.